Project PresentationProject PresentationThe organization of an international conference on reproductive work stems from the urgency, shared by many researchers, to update their analyses in light of recent mobilizations around social reproduction. These mobilizations, largely led by women, respond to the appropriation of reproductive labor both in the home and in the paid labor market by the capital system. Historically, reproductive labor has been denied recognition and disproportionately assigned to women—trends that continue to this day. Linked to domestic labor, the activities of social reproduction contribute to the reproduction of life and society as a whole and are thus part of the productive organization of the contemporary capitalist system (Fortunati, 2022). The conference has a dual aim:
This conference will bring together researchers from Canada, Argentina, India, and several European countries including Austria, Belgium, Italy, the United Kingdom, and France. In addition to offering an original interdisciplinary exchange at an international level, the meeting of established scholars and younger researchers will foster intergenerational dialogue throughout the day.
Context
On the labor market, there is a growing expansion of unpaid work in areas related to social reproduction. Care sectors, social services, education, and the arts in particular increasingly offer precarious work conditions, disguised as passion, training, or volunteer work (Belley et al., 2018; Ihaddadene, 2021; Simonet, 2018). Sex work, meanwhile, remains criminalized in many countries, and restrictive laws continue to control people’s mobility and bodily autonomy without offering social protections or labor rights. Families also face the increasing pressures of labor extraction. On the one hand, child care has become both more controlled and medicalized in order to supply a highly skilled labor force capable of working in increasingly complex productive environments. On the other hand, older adults’ care has become increasingly demanding, as significantly longer life expectancy implies additional years of intensive care, mostly provided by women. These transformations of reproductive work in both the labor market and so-called private sphere develop in an economic context marked by declining wages, exponential increases in debt, and the loss of purchasing power due to inflation. To support this shift, the relationship between material and immaterial domestic labor has changed, with a notable increase in immaterial domestic labor supported by the spread of digital technologies in homes and private spaces. While material domestic labor has seen limited investment in technological research and development—mainly through a timid diffusion of cleaning, cooking, or lawn care robots (e.g., Roomba, Thermomix)—immaterial reproductive labor has undergone a massive adoption of powerful digital technologies such as computers and smartphones. These tools have subsumed and automated a significant part of immaterial reproductive work (communication, information, education, affect, sex, entertainment, etc.) (Fortunati & Edwards, 2024). This social reorganization of reproductive labor has had various consequences, including the involvement of men, children, teenagers, and even older adults in sharing parts of the increasing workload. Think of the many grandparents who, once retired, must work full-time in the domestic sphere to allow their children and children’s partners to hold paid jobs. They pick up children from school or daycare, watch them until the parents return, care for them when sick, etc. At the same time, numerous movements express an individual and collective refusal to carry the burden of social reproduction. This refusal is evident in transnational feminist movements that have mobilized through reproductive labor strikes to make this labor visible within the capitalist organization of labor (Gago, 2021; Federici et al., 2020). It is also reflected in parenthood, with drastically lower birth rates in Western countries, and in older adults’ care, where demands for state responsibility are increasing. When women have adequate financial means, they can often refuse this work only by purchasing low-cost reproductive labor sometimes from poor, racialized, immigrant, and refugee men and women (Farris, 2017; Vergès, 2019; Martorano, 2023), through a process of transnational transfer of reproductive labor (Parreñas, 2015). These different strategies for reorganizing reproductive labor—as well as state strategies to contain the cost of already provided services—will be analyzed during this conference. Women’s refusal has been interpreted by some as a crisis in the reproductive sector (Coin, 2017), both at the domestic and societal level (Toupin et al., 2020). This crisis has made the sector dysfunctional for the global economic system, as the very foundations of society and its functioning have been shaken. The family unit, as the basic cell of capitalist society, has itself become a site of contestation over interpersonal relationships, binary sexual identities, and the sexual division of labor, to name a few examples. Becoming a space of experimentation and social resistance, where the "natural" link between women and reproductive labor is challenged, the family has undergone continuous redefinitions of social roles related to parenting, gender relations, and even the emotional dimensions of associated labor (Lewis, 2019). Capitalist exploitation of reproductive labor and frequent neglect of women’s needs by political and labor organizations have inspired powerful movements of refusal. This resistance has taken numerous forms including challenges to basic structures of communal life—such as the family—rebellion against women’s continued subordinate status and widespread poverty. It has also meant a refusal to serve as a convenient target of male violence; a brutality itself rooted in the extreme violence of this economic system (Gago, 2021). These shifts have deepened traditional divisions among women: between those who work “only” at home and those who work both at home and outside it—often in social reproduction sectors and even in other households; between mothers and non-mothers; between women of different nationalities, religions, and racial and ethnic backgrounds; between those who suffer violence and those who manage to protect their physical and mental integrity. By analyzing reproductive labor in all its forms, and the struggles to make it visible and recognized, we can better understand how today’s social, political, and economic organization operates. 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